June 01

Is MTN also a role-player in the cashless system cabal? Part One

M-Cell was established in 1994 as the second wireless service provider in South Africa. Anglo American held a substantial stake in M-Cell through Johnic.

Ramaphosa joined New Africa Investments Limited (Nail) as Deputy Executive Chairman and led the National Empowerment Consortium (NEC) in a landmark black economic empowerment (BEE) deal to acquire a controlling stake in Johnnic from Anglo American Corporation in 1996. Valued at approximately R2.7 billion, this deal was one of the most significant BEE transactions at the time, with the NEC, supported by labour union pension funds, securing a 35% stake in Johnnic, which held assets in media (Times Media), entertainment and other sectors. In 1997, Ramaphosa was appointed chairman of Johnic’s board by the NEC, a position he held until January 2006.

Cyril founded Shanduka in 2001. Shanduka’s portfolio included investments in major companies such as MTN, Coca-Cola, McDonald’s, and Standard Bank. M-Cell rebranded to MTN in 2002. In 2003, Johnnic possessed a 36% stake in MTN.  

In 2003, Cyril Ramaphosa, Phuthuma Nhleko, Sifiso Dabengwa and Irene Charnley were implicated in the Iran/Turk cell allegations. These four high-level executives might have thought that they could use securitisation apparati to profiteer without consequences. But US authorities will prosecute if these four profited from deals with suspected terrorist organisations, which seemingly have led to the killing of US soldiers. The cases seem not to progress. The affidavit is very clear. There can be no doubt about the nefarious activity of some of these individuals. Who is protecting them? According to an affidavit provided to US authorities:

“MTN used its high-level political influence within the South African government to offer Iran the two most important items that the country could not obtain for itself: (1) support for the Iranian development of nuclear weapons; and (2) the procurement of high-tech defense equipment.”

Why are businesses hellbent on protecting these individuals? They act as if they are above the law. Are they driving the one-world economic reset agenda on behalf of the business leaders tied to apartheid? These former apartheid wealth holders want to introduce the cashless system, a surveillance state, a social credit system, and universal basic income grants using specific deployments in the ANC to drive these agendas.

Phuthuma Nhleko, an alleged protégé of the Urban Foundation (established in 1977 by the Rupert, Oppenheimer, and Menell families), serves as the Chairman of the JSE and is a business partner of Phembani/Remgro Infrastructure Managers. Irene Charnley has assumed the role of President of the International Women’s Forum (IWFSA), a suspected securitisation organisation with foreign objectives. Sifiso Debengwa is now the CEO of the MTN Group. He is married to Phuti Mahanyele-Debengwa, who serves as the CEO of Naspers Africa. She was previously married to Vuyisile Aaron Nzeko, a suspected drug smuggler for the ANC during apartheid.

It does not imply that the private sector can still profit by leveraging the new infrastructure through their contacts and deployments in the ANC to promote unconstitutional agendas, such as COVID-19 and fake climate hysteria, based on their historic (self-interest) contributions. These strategies are leading to the closure of small and medium-sized enterprises, rising unemployment, and increasing inequality. The private sector is destroying South Africa using its collaborators in the ANC.

The unholy trinity in South Africa is defined as:

• rogue philanthropists (also referred to as White Minority Capital) advancing the undemocratic agendas of the one-world economic order,
• rogue ex-state intelligence securitisation apparati (SISA) working with career criminals framing agendas to legitimise their illegal activities (to justify the war on terror) and
• ex-apartheid spies (mostly false-flag) deployed as political/economic elites acting as agents of influence for the private sector inside liberation movements (ANC).

Treason definition: https://www.dictionary.com/browse/treason

Economic sabotage: Economic sabotage 'taking the country back' – SOC chief executives | SAnews

Understanding a criminal enterprise: What is a criminal enterprise? - Military Modelling

AI describes stakeholder capitalism as:

“Stakeholder capitalism is an untested economic system or philosophy in which businesses prioritise the interests of all their stakeholders—not just shareholders (owners or investors)—when making decisions. In addition to shareholders, stakeholders include employees, customers, suppliers, local communities, the environment, and society. The idea is that companies should create long-term value for all these groups rather than focusing solely on maximising short-term profits for shareholders, which is often associated with traditional shareholder capitalism.

Stakeholder capitalism encourages businesses to consider broader social and environmental impacts. For example, a company might invest in sustainable practices, improve employee working conditions, or support community projects, even if these choices don’t immediately boost stock prices. The concept gained traction as a response to criticisms of unchecked capitalism, like inequality, environmental degradation, and corporate scandals.

It’s often linked to figures like Klaus Schwab of the World Economic Forum, who popularised it through initiatives like the "Davos Manifesto" in 1973 and later updates. Critics argue it’s vague, prone to corporate PR spin (like greenwashing), or even a step toward centralised control if governments or elites push it too hard. Supporters say it’s a necessary evolution to make capitalism more inclusive and sustainable.”

Effects of elitism:

1. Unemployment
2. SME closure
3. Inequality
4. Presidency breaking the law.
5. SME collapse
6. High unemployment
7. Eskom sabotaged and privatised.
8. Denel is in the process of being privatised
9. ISCOR privatised and closed down
10. Prasa is in the process of being privatised
11. SAA is in the process of being privatised
12. Telkom in process to be privatised
13. SABC collapsed
14. Transnet is dead.
15. Petro SA is dead.
16. The Post Office collapsed.
17. The land bank is ineffective.
18. Johannesburg has collapsed.
19. Bloemfontein had collapsed 
20. Durban has collapsed.
21. Intelligence collapsed
22. SANDF imploding.
23. Judiciary imploding.
24. NPA cronyism.
25. The Hawks haven’t prosecuted any Mafia structures
26. SAPS lost detective capacity, and private security is taking over-who is more corrupt?

Introducing the SCS model from China- solution introduced by elites in alignment with the WEF

1. High-speed fibre
2. 5G
3. Going Cashless
4. Social credit score
5. Digital ID
6. Surveillance-Camera rollout
7. Universal basic income (UBI)
8. Open borders

30 May

Broadband is the foundation for the cashless system

Banks extensively utilise broadband communication to support their online and mobile banking platforms, enabling features such as real-time transactions, secure chat, digital wallets, and prepaid data services. ICASA regulates broadband communication. To understand the strategies and objectives in cashless systems, it is essential to comprehend how the environment was established to introduce wireless internet communication.

iBurst Mobile Broadband Internet Technology was the original owner of the IEEE 802.20 broadband licence registered with ICASA. WBS Holdings was established in 1999 and owns 100% of WBS Pty Ltd and iBurst Pty Ltd. WBS was previously a subsidiary of Richmark Holdings. Gavin Varejes founded Richmark Holdings, which was named in honour of Marc Rich, a suspected former head of the Jewish Mafia and founder of Glencore, who was intrinsically involved in sanction-busting operations for apartheid South Africa. Blue Label Investments acquired a 40% stake in WBS in 2006, followed by Vodacom, which initially purchased 10% and later expanded its ownership to 24.9%.

Jordaan, Harris, Moholi, and Brandon Leigh own Institute X, which acquired Multisource in 2010. Multisource acquired WBS in 2015 and became the sole owner of the licence. However, iBurst’s technology became outdated compared to newer 3G and LTE standards, leading to its eventual decommissioning.

Paul Harris served as the CEO of Rand Merchant Bank from 1992 to 1998 and then became the CEO of First National Bank (FNB) from 1999 until 2009. Harris then became a non-executive director at Remgro around 2008 until 2020. Jordaan was the CEO at FNB from 2008 to 2013 and was also a non-executive director for Remgro until 2020.

Harris and Jordaan rebranded the WBS name, owned by Multisource, to Rain in 2017. Patrice Motsepe, CR's brother-in-law, was convinced to invest in Rain. He subsequently bought a 20% stake in 2017 for R5.64 billion. ARC bought another 1% for R160 million.

Rain shareholding is stated as Quarme Private Equity Investments 41.36% (Harris), Montegray Capital 11.53% (Jordaan), and Ata Fund 6.42%, which equates to 58.31%. African Rainbow Capital (ARC), owned by Patrice Motsepe, owns 21% in Rain. Patrice Motsepe has recently been linked to attempts by agents of influence inside the ANC to take over the Presidency from CR.

Jordaan and Harris retired from Remgro in 2020 and would have known Remgro's high-speed fibre strategies involving Vumatel, which was bought by CIVH in 2018. RMB funded the transaction, allowing CIVH to buy Vumatel. Were they using Remgro, or was Remgro exploiting them to position itself for profit from 5G? After Harris's retirement, Kgotlello Sere Rantloane, the partner of Paul Harris’s daughter Nicola Harris in Ata, became a board member of Remgro. Rantloane is also a board member at Rain.

Did Harris report their agenda to Remgro's board, or did they utilise insider information from Vumatel to establish Rain and conceal a 5G agenda by Remgro aimed at introducing a cashless system? The competition tribunal seems to be awakening from its slumber, preventing the merger between Vodacom and Maziv (Vumatel and DFA) from dominating high-speed fibre.

Rain's core business is rolling out 5 G technology, which interacts with high-speed fibre. These behind-the-scenes undemocratic activities to introduce broadband highlight intent, one element of treason against the Constitution of South Africa, to introduce a cashless system.

28 May

Communication is an instrument for implementing the cashless system. (Part One)

The cashless system requires dependable communication to ensure its functionality. Before 1990, Telkom was a state-owned enterprise responsible for managing communication in South Africa.

The systematic privatisation of the telecommunications industry in South Africa accelerated following the unbanning of liberation movements in 1990. Key players in the private sector involved in negotiating the unbanning are at the forefront of the shift towards businesses' participation in service delivery for profit.

When wireless communication (Vodacom) launched in 1993, Telkom owned a 50% share. No one questioned the private companies' shareholding of VenFin's 15% and Vodafone's 35% stakes in Vodacom. VenFin was part of the Rembrandt Group, which Dr Anton Rupert founded. In 2006, the same year Anton Rupert passed away, VenFin sold its 15% stake in Vodacom to Vodafone for R16 billion. This acquisition increased Vodafone's holding to 50%, which matched Telkom’s stake. Vodafone subsequently acquired an additional 15% from Telkom between 2008 and 2009. Vodafone is a British enterprise.

VenFin invested in telecommunications. Conduct Telecommunications was a fibre optic company and a subsidiary of VenFin Limited, part of the Rupert family’s Rembrandt Group, and later merged into Remgro in 2009. Conduct Telecoms was sold to Dark Fibre Africa (DFA) in 2014. Vumatel was established under DFA in 2014 to introduce high-speed fibre optic services.

The other hands-free operator was established in 1994 as M-Cell, a South African mobile telecommunications company. TransTel, a subsidiary of Transnet SOE, was one of the initial shareholders. When M-Cell rebranded to MTN in 2002, the ownership structure evolved, with Naspers and other investors increasing their stakes.

Cell C was established in November 2001 as the third mobile telecommunications operator in South Africa, alongside Vodacom and MTN. Blue Label Telecoms (BLT) currently owns Cell C. The role of BLT in reaching every household through Cigicell prepaid solutions for Eskom and their acquisition of Cell C will also be discussed in detail later.

Telkom is responsible for the telecommunication infrastructure and provides a platform for the internet. In 2015, Telkom established Openserve as a wholesale division for broadband and connectivity services. Telkom was a key player in the rollout of high-speed fibre until Vumatel entered the market.

The wireless markets have also evolved to 5 G in addition to high-speed fibre. Government has no capacity to introduce 5 G themselves. However, this technology requires numerous towers to ensure consistent signalling and high-speed fibre to support the increased capacity. Rain was established by Paul Harris, a Remgro director at the time the 5G agenda was conceptualised. I'll talk about the history of Rain in detail at a later stage.

The privatisation of telecommunications will play a significant role in the new one-world economic reset agenda and the introduction of the cashless and other systems. These digitalisation strategies are highly integrated and interdependent, making it extremely vulnerable.

25 May

The implementation of the cashless system

The cashless system cannot proceed without the approval of the South African Reserve Bank (SARB). The SARB board is evenly divided between the government (ANC/GNU) and the private sector. The initial step for businesses in establishing a cashless system would be to demonstrate equality, which they cannot do.

Retailers can legally refuse cash if they indicate their terms; however, none do so, and the SARB has not challenged this practice. Banks may also face challenges implementing a cashless system without accommodating the unbanked population. A cashless policy that excludes unbanked individuals could be contested under the Constitution of South Africa, Section 9 on equality, and for non-compliance with various other UN 17 SDGs.

This top-down approach by businesses supports the criticism that business-driven digitalisation (necessary for a cashless and surveillance state) excludes marginalised groups. This will exacerbate poverty, which affects 63% of South Africans, and increase inequality as per the Gini Coefficient.

No CEO in South Africa has taken steps towards addressing corporate social responsibility (CSR), embraced by US corporations during the 1960s, or the corporate social investment (CSI) strategies introduced by ex-apartheid businesses over thirty years ago. The private sector has made no progress, and this will likely lead to the revitalisation of liberation movements alongside the criminal activities they established as anti-apartheid structures during and after the 1970s.

Furthermore, inequality heightens the threat level against elites in both the economy and politics (money does not know skin colour), as those who are economically excluded seek revenge through what they know best: illicit criminal activities. However, no competent securitisation apparatus is in place to mitigate the threat this time, as businesses remain preoccupied with the one-world economic reset agenda, which will ultimately implode on corporations.

Top businesspeople are hiring the best-trained ex-special forces operatives for their protection, but these operatives are not intelligence experts. Crime bosses specifically target the family members of top businesspeople and their children, who have access to wealth. Drug smugglers also target the children of political elites, employing very specific methods to capture these youngsters.

These drug lords operate within informal liberation structures, which have traditionally been associated with additional funding mechanisms for terrorist and liberation movements. Many children of these elites have become victims of these illicit criminal activities.

Businesses are historic influencers (see Part Two), contribute financially (what do they expect in return) to GNU, and dictate who they can deploy to the ANC. Using framing agendas in the media, businesses are striving to subvert the ANC succession agenda, as egotistical private sector CEOs do not want Paul Mashatile.

23 May

Hiding the cashless system strategy in plain sight (Part Two)

Apartheid securitisation apparati created, infiltrated, and mitigated most criminal activities of terrorist networks before the unbanning of liberation movements in 1990. These career criminals played a vital role in the transitional process of integrating liberation movements into significant positions within politics and economics. SISA operatives were forbidden from maintaining relationships with their assets after terminating their formal relationships, a standard intelligence procedure.

Many of these former assets became the new political and economic elite of the liberation movements, with some in the private sector exploiting their backgrounds to act as agents of influence. Not all these deployments involved career criminals.

The apartheid state's intelligence securitisation apparati (SISA) categorised the liberation movements into doves and hawks. The hawks were influencers within the liberation movements and prime targets for SISA. Many hawks (SISA assets) engaged in criminal activities linked to additional funding for liberation movements. The extent of SISA's involvement in transnational organised crime (TOC) before the unbanning of liberation movements in 1990 became the stuff of legends.

Many career criminals who had opportunities to escape their criminal pasts after the liberation movement's unbanning in 1990 chose not to, subsequently being caught and imprisoned as common criminals. Many received life sentences, which meant that after 25 years, they would have been eligible for release. They became the backbone of the liberation movement's second and third generation of criminals. Others emerged as influential figures within the liberation movements, pivotal in mobilising the masses.

The knowledge within SISA of these specific crime activities (a well-researched topic by academia) used by terrorists overlaps with the United Nations (UN) definition of specific TOC activities. SISA uses these criminal activities to access the funding mechanisms of terrorist networks. Framing strategies reveal the extent of securitisation operations within TOC networks associated with additional terrorist funding.

Cash-in-transit (CIT) is one of the criminal activities traditionally linked to additional funding for terrorist groups, extremists, and liberation movements. Only members of liberation movements possess illegal AK-47s; ordinary civilians do not have access to them. The introduction of the cashless system uses the unusually high CIT incidents as a pretext to justify its one-world economic agenda.

Are career criminals now colluding with rogue securitisation operatives in the private sector to heighten risk and bolster a cashless system? Rogue securitisation agendas are unveiled through businesses' framing strategies. As theoretical research papers suggest, securitisation cannot occur without framing. Following the framing agenda of the cashless system, the mechanisms used by the private sector become evident. Rogue business leaders involved in the one-world economic reset agenda with the WEF contribute to the societal collapse and Constitutional implosion.

21 May

Hiding the cashless system strategy in plain sight (Part One)

The concept of a cashless system has existed for many years and was often dismissed as a conspiracy theory. Labelling information as a conspiracy theory is typically done to discourage and undermine the truth in mass media, which has become inconvenient for those involved. The “cashless system” is one such truth that has been discredited.

The South African Reserve Bank (SARB) is the only legal entity authorised to implement a cashless system in South Africa. However, both the government and businesses are equally represented on the SARB board, which is designed to be independent and is mandated to regulate monetary policy under the SARB Act of 1989. SARB would not be legally required to hold public hearings regarding the transition to a cashless system.

Additionally, if the government and businesses practised business ethics (BE), they would have held public participation hearings to ensure transparency. According to Grok 3, the following AI summary was made regarding ethics: even a machine understands the dynamics of BE.

Ethical obligations under the Global Sullivan Principles (1, 2, 8) and SDGs 1, 8, and 10 suggest that significant changes impacting the 23% unbanked, 1.8 million informal traders, and the R750 billion township economy should be involved in public participation hearings to ensure inclusivity and transparency, Principles 1, 2, and 8 and SDGs 1, 8, and 10.

If the government and businesses wish to introduce a cashless system legally, they must adhere to the UN's 17 sustainable development goals (SDGs). Who drives the agenda within SARS?

What happened to SARS's announcement in November 2024 that they intend to buy 50% of BankServ shares to transform the South African economy into a cashless system? BankServ owns the PayShap software that banks use for fast, cashless payments. Why would SARS want to acquire 50% (for an undisclosed amount—where is the money ending up) of BankServ if PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) allegedly was already contracted as the main compiler of the strategy to introduce the cashless system? Six months later, there is no public record of the acquisition.

However, Panyaza Lesufi, the Premier of Gauteng, initiated a public hearing event for the Gauteng Cashless Indaba on October 26, 2023. It was not well received. Wasn’t Lesufi trying to pre-empt the one-world economic order agenda, seemingly a Chinese strategy? Lesufi has mastered the art of talking left but walking right—or does he? Lesufi uses anticolonialism rhetoric and then provides crumbs to keep business “happy” (he is doing the same with the mass surveillance agenda). Lesufi is an opportunist, introducing the cashless society as an opportunity to “follow the one-world economic reset agenda.”

Opportunistic businesses overlook Lesufi's agenda, which enables him to execute his initiatives. Lesufi will not financially benefit from the cashless system. The narrow-mindedness of the masses is exploited to allow unethical opportunists to profit.

18 May

Businesses hiding their strategic plans in plain sight (Part Three)

The one-world economic reset agenda is hidden in plain sight under the umbrella of the United Nations (UN) 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the World Economic Forum (WEF) ESG compliance objectives. Both these objectives have strong apartheid South Africa roots.

The Sullivan Principles started with six principles as a corporate strategy to address the civil uprising during the 1960s in the United States (US). In South Africa, the Sullivan principles evolved into seven principles, which were used by state intelligence securitisation apparati (SISA) as a tool to transform apartheid into a global framework for corporate social responsibility during the 1980s. After the unbanning of the liberation movement in 1990, the Sullivan principles were used by corporate South Africa to introduce the Corporate Social Investment (CSI) agenda to assist collaborators within liberation movements with economic emancipation.

The UN eventually accepted the Eight Global Sullivan Principles in 1999 after it was used to transform society in South Africa. The 8 GSP predated the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which focused primarily on poverty and health. The UN Global Compact shaped the 17 SDGs. The Sullivan principles focused on corporate social accountability, which provided a historical bridge to early global development goals.

The UN and WEF work together, sharing the same objectives, and the Strategic Partnership Framework was signed by both parties on 13 June 2019- see the screenshot below. The partnership identified six areas of focus: financing the 2030 Agenda, climate change, health, digital cooperation, gender equality and empowering women, education, and skills to strengthen and broaden their combined impact and build and develop new collaborations.

Businesses constantly adjust and adapt their short-, medium-, and long-term strategies, which can be interpreted as attempts to respond to international trends. South Africa was the trendsetter, assisting the WEF in adopting the apartheid CSI, which evolved from the Corporate Social Responsibility agenda, which was developed alongside the Sullivan Principles. The CSI strategy evolved into the ESG climate compliance strategy after COVID-19. China allegedly was responsible for the COVID-19 attack- see the screenshots below.

As per Grok 3: TheGlobal Sullivan Principles and the UN SDGs are closely aligned in their commitment to human rights, equality, environmental sustainability, and community development. The Sullivan Principles serve as a practical, business-focused framework that supports the SDGs by guiding companies to integrate ethical practices into their operations, thereby contributing to goals like SDG 1, 3, 4, 5, 8, 10, 12, 13, 16, and 17. While the SDGs provide a universal, multistakeholder agenda, the Sullivan Principles offer a complementary, actionable code for businesses to localise and operationalise these goals.

All the actions of companies in South Africa that participate in the one-world economic reset have the opposite effect of what they profess. SDG solutions are introduced by corporate strategists and deployed in government as cooperative agendas for municipalities.

Unemployment, corruption, and lawlessness are all consequences of companies' misguided solutions. The solutions are

regurgitated by the same corporate strategist responsible for the failures in the first place. South Africa faces an economic crisis, which will also affect the UN and WEF as they follow the failed South African agenda. After 30 years, according to the Gini Coefficient score, the high-income disparity makes South Africa the most unequal society in the world. Business South Africa is taking the world for a ride, they are unable to grasp that it was ex-apartheid SISA who made everything work.