13 September

The relationship between philanthropists and state capture

To comprehend the role of philanthropists in state capture, it is crucial to understand the securitisation and framing theories. State securitisation's apparati evolved from combatting terrorism through clandestine outside-the-law projects. Securitisation networks are dependent on the media (owned by the private sector) to frame their agendas, “legitimising” the outside-the-law war on terror. Philanthropists own media houses and present framing agendas on behalf of securitisation structures. This symbiotic relationship forms the basis for state capture.

Under the influence of specific journalists, the media serves the “deep state” agenda, thereby perpetuating the power dynamics and manipulation such as the WEF 2030 agenda. Framing becomes the catalyst for creating an environment conducive to lawlessness. Journalists are crucial in framing the agendas. For instance, the so-called arrest of the Guptas was designed to divert attention from Phalagate. Journalists working for philanthropists orchestrate framing against the current minister of justice. When businesses don't get their way, they resort to childish behaviour such as gaslighting, character assassinations, discrediting and isolation.

Where are state securitisation operatives or agents of influence (mostly ex-apartheid spies) deployed? Who gives them instructions? How and when do they meet? Many ex-state security operatives seem to be deployed within security companies. Pik Botha allegedly opened the door to the billionaires’ club for ex-securitisation (mostly special forces). The billionaires give security contracts to pre-selected “contractors.” Security is a captured market.

Philanthropists are in a reciprocal relationship with securitisation apparati (ex, foreign and rogue). Most companies on the JSE are not serious about addressing lawlessness, and the private sector (third force) reflects this tendency. Philanthropists make money from the captured state and lawlessness.

11 September

Why is the private sector allowing lawlessness?

The private sector introduced Corporate Social Investment (CSI) strategies in South Africa during the 1980s. Philanthropists knew that the ANC made extensive use of liberation and terrorist crime activities before 1990. CSI initially aimed at financially assisting liberation movements that needed legitimate funding after the unbanning in 1990.

Companies deployed mostly ex-apartheid spies (as a reward and acting as agents of influence) within board rooms, supposedly creating an alternative funding hub for the ANC. CSI was used selectively, creating black economic champions to replace the career criminals. Philanthropists abused CSI funding their "pet projects" (replacing sports sponsorships with ownerships) that primarily benefitted themselves.

Private businesses in South Africa hijacked social responsibility, betraying its original purpose and inadvertently allowing the selective application of the law and greed, which led to lawlessness. Businesses utilised framing agendas (championing corporate social responsibility) to distract the economically marginalised from the promised wealth redistribution agenda.

The liberation deployments into business and state do not want “other” solutions as it would make them irrelevant. As a result, South Africa is stuck with unworkable solutions for CSI and creating inequality before the law as businesses protect these deployments. This situation underscores the urgent and pressing need for a thorough and honest assessment of the private sector's role in social responsibility and its impact on society.

Who pays for this infrastructure designed for the WEF surveillance state? Lawlessness is used as the foundation for the surveillance state. In addition, the surveillance state must introduce the social credit score to control the economically marginalised. The carrot and stick principle is used in Australia: Your social credit score gives you internet/social media access. If you speak badly about politicians in the UK, you go to jail. There is no space in prisons, so what is the real agenda—pre-emptive murder?

One of the business rackets in South Africa was the introduction of high-speed fibre, a crucial component for creating capacity and enabling real-time camera surveillance. The private sector, complicit in misusing framing, created inequality before the law. Vumacam exploited Gauteng’s high crime rate to convince Lesufi to sign an R5 billion deal to install cameras in Gauteng/Johannesburg to fight crime. Businesses in the Western Cape/Cape Town and Eastern Cape/Gquberha used the same methodology. As expected, the cameras did not reduce the statistics on crime activities associated with terrorism and liberation movements. The state of lawlessness plays a critical role in legitimising vast camera networks with impressive control rooms (it should be illegal) within security companies.

CSI was eventually incorporated into the WEF agenda by apartheid businesses from South Africa as a social responsibility solution, knowing well that it would create lawlessness. This deliberate and calculated misuse of CSI was part of a strategy to create anarchy.

Lawlessness is essential for businesses in assisting the introduction of the WEF 2030 and UN 17 SDG agendas to create a new world economy. The private sector (third force) is critical in framing the agendas, creating an environment for lawlessness. This is done intentionally with the cooperation of rogue state securitisation networks.

08 September

What is the WEF 2030 agenda? Creating chaos using lawlessness?

The WEF was established to introduce social responsibility and pacify civil uprisings. Despite all its failures, philanthropists still want to create one world order. The WEF's selective strategies create an environment ripe for lawlessness, with severe consequences generating chaos. The WEF is a non-democratic institution.

Klaus Schwab has yet to achieve his goals for corporate owners. He tried everything; he even used CSI (an apartheid intelligence and philanthropist’s agenda) to lure the liberation movements to the negotiating table before and after 1990/ securitisation decided that they would support the ANC. Klaus Schwab has almost abandoned CSI and is now

partnering with the UN to push the sustainability agenda.

Apartheid agents provocateurs presented the model they used to effect change during the 1980s in South Africa to assist the WEF 2030 agenda. However, strategists for the WEF need to realise that the South African model for change was achieved through extensive behind-the-scenes securitisation mitigation operations. Securitisation and the private sector use framing strategies to achieve their objectives. It is a continuous process and easy to follow. The ANC's struggles can be traced to the private sector trying to introduce the WEF's world domination agendas without mitigating historical variables.

Two years ago, big businesses (JSE listed) were warned about the urgent need to address these variables contributing to lawlessness and implement strategies at the local government level. Big companies in South Africa were warned that their strategy would reactivate a terrorism-friendly environment. They were cautioned that liberation movements had transformed terrorism under the banner of very specific crime activities. The “experts” of BUSA, B4SA, and BLSA failed to identify how these crime activities should be grouped and managed.

Crime has evolved into a terror activity, and the situation demands immediate expert intervention. The new minister of police recognises that it is a “war” (on terror). ANC was entrapped by businesses that protect the criminals in their midst, mostly ex-apartheid spies. GNU contribute to the escalations of terrorist crime activities.

In addition, the strategy of creating lawlessness to make money with cameras, high-speed fibre, and introducing a surveillance state with a social credit score is questionable. The introduction of cameras bought from the companies involved with the deployment of ANC apartheid spies is just one such example. The implosion of local government further contributes to businesses' deliberate attempts to destroy the current system to introduce the WEF agenda. The feasibility of this strategy and the logic behind it are worth examining.

The latest crime statistics in South Africa show a significant surge in crime activities associated with additional funding of terrorist operations. This is a direct result of businesses' deliberate ignorance. The private sector and security industry are making money from lawlessness, introducing technology that will not address terrorist crimes.

Treating these criminal activities without understanding terrorism and why liberation movements reverted to these strategies is a direct response to the unwillingness of big businesses in South Africa to mitigate lawlessness.

06 September

What is the source of lawlessness?

The corrupt relationship between politicians and the private sector was founded in the early 1980s as “sanction-busting” operations “for the greater good” in maintaining apartheid South Africa.

As a result, the partnership between liberation politicians (mostly apartheid spies to help with the transition) deployed after 1990 was a collaboration between rogue state securitisation apparati (deeply involved with transnational organised crime networks) and the corrupt private sector (providing the fronts needed for the career criminals-many involved with sanction busting worldwide).

The foundation for this relationship was construed around the strategy of fighting terrorism between the apartheid government representing colonialism and liberation movements assisted by the Eastern-bloc countries.

Western governments use specific counter-terrorism strategies. Academia postulated this methodology as Securitisation and Framing Theories. The apartheid securitisation apparati made extensive use of these theories, involving the private sector framing agendas. The framing agenda is extensively used to manipulate societal perceptions to justify securitisation activities such as inserting/coopting career criminals in the ANC.

The state intelligence apparati must monitor the private sector for signs of abuse of the framing agendas. Many governments worldwide are clamping down on “media freedom” because the media owned by the private sector is used for nefarious reasons, creating inequality before the law, justifying the selective application of the law and institutionalised greed.

Failure to mitigate the root causes of lawlessness (seemingly deliberate to allow GNU) will result in chaos. The media is used to divert attention from the real issues of lawlessness.

05 September

Who is the WEF?

The WEF was established in 1971 in response to the growing concern among the owners of leading European companies about the economically marginalised rise worldwide. Klaus Schwab created the WEF and was supported by businesses to introduce corporate social responsibility agendas, a concept that had emerged from civil unrest in the US workplace in the 1960s. Businesses used the WEF to advance economic agendas, often masked as corporate sustainability initiatives.

The private sector in apartheid South Africa envisaged the same threat as the US and EU, prompting them to start their own agenda working with securitisation elements of the state after the Soweto uprising in 1976. Within business circles in the US, they refer to apartheid businesses as having chosen “profit” over political suicide.

State intelligence securitisation apparati (SISA) started to roll out the private sector agenda. The government and most SISA networks were unaware of the agenda when the project was launched in 1983, constituting high treason. They used the UDF as a front organisation to introduce the Sullivan principles of mobilising and controlling the masses. The masses accepted the Sullivan principles. The UN eventually adopted the Eight Global Sullivan Principles (GSP) in 1999, which became the forerunner to the UN's 17 SDGs.

Parallel to the “worker's” Sullivan Principles agenda in the 1980s were apartheid corporations establishing Corporate Social Investment (CSI) to lure the ANC in exile into believing that wealth redistribution would occur after the unbanning of liberation movements. CSI was the apartheid South African business version of Corporate Social Responsibility used in the US. CSI was critical as a BBBEE operation to accommodate most of the ex-apartheid SISA operatives after 1990, making them multi-millionaires. Thabo Mbeki played a crucial role in the ANC's acceptance of compromises.

Most corporations at the WEF were aware that CSI was primarily an apartheid SISA covert operation. The ANC deal came with massive baggage involving lawlessness and unimaginable Organised Crime networks that rogue apartheid SISA coopted. Businesses at the WEF became unintentionally part and parcel of a cat-and-mouse operation dancing with lawlessness, constituting subversion because they didn’t do anything to rectify their mistakes. Maybe many of these companies are held “hostage” because of their assistance with the apartheid government breaking international laws. The private sector (the third force) and rogue SISA operatives in South Africa use lawlessness as a catalyst to drive WEF agendas.

02 September

Who is destroying South Africa?

The WEF 2030 agendais South Africa's foremost enemy. The WEF was created in 1971 to introduce corporate social responsibility agendas protecting big businesses and appeasing the economically marginalised. Conspiracy theorist suggests that Klaus Schwab was using the WEF to assist apartheid South Africa in conducting sanction-busting operations. The private sector (third force—screenshot below) abuses the Securitisation and Framing Theories (created to fight terrorism by any other means) to introduce the WEF agenda, indirectly protecting ex-apartheid assets involved in crime.

Businesses and securitisation apparati protected criminal networks at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), and the Zondo Commission was kept within precise parameters stimulating selective application of the law (for the greater good of big businesses), which contributes to lawlessness in South Africa. Companies protect career criminals (mostly ex-apartheid intelligence assets) who are still operational as agents of influence within the liberation movements. JSE-listed companies prearranged many of these ex-apartheid spies (career criminals) in GNU, which advanced the implementation of the WEF 2030 agenda. They prioritise the WEF objectives of promoting open borders, deploying cameras (creating a surveillance state in order to introduce social credit score), and utilising high-speed fibre to develop cashless societies.

Liberation and terrorist crime activities have increased since Ramaphosa became president of the ANC. As president, Ramaphosa is one of the kingpins of philanthropists driving these WEF agendas.

The R750 billion untaxed informal economy is flooded with career criminals from liberation movements worldwide. Cooperation between the private sector and foreign criminals can be found within informal economic activities, introducing a new cashless society.

Philanthropists, the private sector, businesses, and corporations exploited COVID-19, which annihilated SMEs and the middle class in South Africa. This resulted in extremely high levels of unemployment, lawlessness, and corruption.

One of the simplest ways to deal with these conglomerates is for governments to nationalise the companies that advanced the COVID-19 agenda. As an economic block, BRICSshould nationalise the WEF corporations to reset the world economic order. The Yuan has recently surpassed the dollar in trading for the first time.

31 August

The ANC of Cyril Ramaphosa is purportedly loaded with private sector and securitisation deployments.

After the unbanning of liberation movements in 1990, state securitisation apparati, in collaboration with philanthropists, deployed agents of influence within business and government. Many of these deployments by the private sector (often referred to as the 'third force '), under the guise of CSI wealth redistribution strategies, deploying ex-apartheid intelligence assets (many were career criminals), contributed to compromising the integrity of the ANC. The protection of these apartheid spies' contributed to the selective application of the law. The contrast created by the framing agents between Ramaphosa and Zuma contributes to the perception of inequality and the selective application of the law. The NPA does not treat everybody equally before the law. These historical variables are the root causes of lawlessness.

Greed was instilled in the ANC by those assets who chose to go to jail in the 1980s and, after unbanning (they did not know when that would happen), would become millionaires, exacerbating lawlessness.

Under philanthropic deployment, South Africa was listed last in the world according to the Gini-Coefficient, lost half of the SMEs post-COVID-19 and has high levels of unemployment. The private sector is a failure. Municipalities are collapsing, crime activities associated with liberation movements are increasing, and WEF agendas are implemented without the consent of the citizens. Various researchers indicated that the ANC's shortcomings can be attributed mainly to the deployment of ex-apartheid securitisation agents.

These deployments were instrumental in bringing the ANC below 50% to force the GNU after the 2024 elections. WEF proteges (ex-apartheid spies) were deployed (many in the Progressive Caucus) to collapse RET to advance WEF agendas. The private sector's efforts to depict GNU as the economic saviour and to blame Jacob Zuma's old ANC for the financial collapse are distortions of the truth. This concerning trend of potential misinformation underscores the need for accurate and reliable information in our political discourse. The media in South Africa openly drives the WEF agenda of philanthropists. Businesses' left and right hands are out of zink. From an analytical point of view, they still haven't implemented the historical variables that need to be incorporated into solutions, seemingly deliberate.